New York Times
December 22, 1996, Sunday
Kellogg's Six-Hour Day
By Benjamin Kline Hunnicutt.
261 pp. Philadelphia:
Temple University Press.
Cloth, $59.95. Paper, $24.95.
Americans have always believed in hard and steady work. During the early
years of the Republic, ''producers'' with callused hands and plebeian
manners condemned as ''aristocratic'' rich men who bought or hired others
to labor for them. This year the public overwhelmingly backed an end to a
welfare system that supposedly rewarded poor mothers who did no work --
although rearing young children seldom offers a life of leisure.
We do, however, have an alternative tradition -- of jobs as necessary
evils, machine-driven regimens that slowly waste the soul in return for a
wage. As Benjamin Kline Hunnicutt, a historian at the University of Iowa,
points out in ''Kellogg's Six-Hour Day,'' the labor movement's first great
campaign was for shorter working hours. It was the responsible alternative
to just skipping one's job or performing it badly. ''Eight hours for work,
eight hours for sleep, eight hours for what we will,'' was the chant of
19th-century unionists, few of whom were content to stop there. They asked,
rhetorically, did not technological progress and the mounting abundance of
goods make possible a steady decrease in time spent on the job?
W. K. Kellogg agreed. In 1930 the corn-flake capitalist, a visionary who
burned to improve the economic order, announced that nearly all workers at
his huge plant in Battle Creek, Mich., would henceforth enjoy a six-hour
day. ''We are going to start something that has been talked about for
years, but nobody has had courage enough to do,'' a top Kellogg executive
proclaimed. The company anticipated greater efficiency from contented
employees, both male and female, who would now have enough time for their
families and, perhaps, a bit of volunteer labor at a local church or
school.
For nearly two decades it worked, according to Mr. Hunnicutt's many
sensitive interviews with retired Kellogg wage earners, which rescue the
text from being a dry, if original, academic narrative. Women, in
particular, appreciated the ''extra time'' for gardening, canning, visiting
and caring for sick relatives. Employees of both sexes welcomed the hiring
of additional workers -- this was the Depression. And most seem not to have
resented the dip in weekly pay that accompanied the shorter hours. One man
remembers, ''There was no complaints . . . as there were so many needy
people -- I think perhaps, people as a whole were more human then.'' In the
late 30's, a strong union did help boost overtime wages while preserving
Kellogg's plan.
But in a work-obsessed nation, the idyll could not last. After World War
II, Kellogg promoted a new ethic that tied higher wages to boosts in
productivity. Most male workers, eager to take part in the consumer
bonanza, began to demand an eight-hour day, and the union tended to take
their side against ''sissies'' who clung to the old way. The stern gospel
of higher wages for longer work gradually drowned out the sweeter, and now
mostly feminine, hymns to ''extra time.'' ''Even the word ''leisure'' had
become the butt of jokes and ribald comments, Mr. Hunnicutt writes. One
worker even claimed that the short shift ''was the reason for much
hanky-panky going on in both sexes!'' In 1985 the giant cereal company
eliminated the last six-hour job.
This valuable case study should help speed a rethinking of the
glorification of paid labor. It adds historical weight and precision to the
more passionate writings of the economist Juliet Schor, the sociologist
Stanley Aronowitz and the radical futurist Jeremy Rifkin, who similarly
question why so many must toil so long for such modest reward.
Yet in his attack on the work ethic, Mr. Hunnicutt, who has certainly found
his calling as a professor of leisure studies, ignores a major reason it
survives. Paid labor has been and can still be a creative force, as well as
an endless imposition. At times, machinists and journalists, nurses and
teachers, priests, union organizers and many other workers tolerate long
hours when their jobs are challenging, dramatic or essential to helping
people they know and like. Mr. Hunnicutt doesn't explore whether some of
the Kellogg men who favored eight hours were skilled craftsmen who found
their work more pleasing than did the six-hour women, who were usually
assigned to repetitive tasks.
He makes a compelling moral argument: no one should be expected to work
harder and harder for less and less joy. But more time off is not a
sufficient response. Why not redesign jobs so they offer workers an
intellectual challenge and a greater degree of control? Automation can,
over time, eliminate the most tedious occupations. But until life on the
job gets as much attention as life at the mall, millions of Americans will
continue to complain, as did one six-hour advocate in Battle Creek, that
when you went to work ''you left your mind at home.''